[Analysis] CSE Is Used As A Political Weapon To Stir Xenophobia Sentiment!
Unveiling the Contradictions: How CSE Becomes a Tool for Xenophobic Manipulation in Class Struggles!
Introduction
In recent weeks, Nigel Farage has participated in two high-profile interviews to address the deeply troubling Grooming Gang scandals12, a subject that has gripped headlines and ignited public outrage. At its core, Child Sexual Exploitation (CSE) represents one of the most abhorrent manifestations of human suffering—a crime that should unite society in its unequivocal condemnation. Yet, under the conditions of a capitalist system rife with inequality and ideological manipulation, this grave issue is being weaponized by factions of the ruling class and their ideological allies3. Rather than addressing the systemic roots of exploitation, these forces exploit public outrage as a tool to reinforce division and shore up the very structures of oppression that enable such crimes to persist.
This phenomenon reflects a deeper contradiction inherent in class society. The same capitalist system that thrives on the commodification of human beings also generates the conditions for exploitation, while obscuring its complicity through reactionary narratives4. Figures like Tommy Robinson5, Nigel Farage6, and Elon Musk exemplify this process. They assume the guise of moral crusaders, presenting themselves as champions of justice while deftly redirecting public anger away from structural causes and toward xenophobic scapegoating. This calculated manoeuvre not only deflects criticism from the failures of neoliberal capitalism (a system which they support) but also sows discord among the working class, preventing collective action against the root causes of inequality and exploitation.7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
In this analysis, I will expose the mechanisms by which these reactionary figures manipulate the CSE narrative. Specifically, I will examine their hypocrisy, the language they employ to shape public perception, and their political allegiances to the ruling class. Through this lens, it becomes evident that their campaign is less about protecting the vulnerable and more about consolidating power and perpetuating class domination, revealing the insidious ways in which ideology functions under capitalism.
Origin
The origins of this reactionary narrative reveal the calculated convergence of far-right ideology with the political ambitions of groups like UKIP, BNP, REFORM UK. While mainstream media has largely downplayed these parties’ involvement in far-right mobilizations, a closer examination of social media activity and political manoeuvres exposes a deliberate strategy to exploit public outrage for political resurgence.15 16 17 For example, UKIP, facing irrelevance after its electoral decline, has aligned itself with far-right agitators, framing itself as the institutional backbone of fascist street movements. This shift is underscored by its collaboration with figures like Tommy Robinson, culminating in Robinson's appointment to the fabricated role of UKIP’s “grooming gangs advisor.” 18 19 20
This strategic pivot represents more than a desperate bid for survival—it reflects the dialectical interplay between the crisis of legitimacy faced by traditional parties and the rise of reactionary forces. UKIP’s leadership, including Lord Pearson, Janice Atkinson, and Gerard Batten, have embraced this shift, positioning the party as a political vehicle for far-right rhetoric. This realignment is not merely opportunistic but rooted in a deeper consensus within UKIP’s ranks, despite dissent from figures like Nigel Farage and a handful of MEPs at the time. Far from being an anomaly, UKIP’s evolution into an enabler of far-right movements illustrates how bourgeois politics adapt in times of crisis, abandoning any pretence of liberal-democratic norms to preserve influence and relevance.
The deployment of the “Asian grooming gangs” narrative exemplifies the reactionary nature of this alliance. This trope, which falsely portrays groups of Asian men as uniquely predatory toward white girls, did not originate organically but was carefully crafted by far-right propagandists like Nick Griffin, former leader of the British National Party (BNP). As early as 2006, Griffin’s incendiary rhetoric sought to racialize sexual violence, framing it as part of a broader, conspiratorial “Muslim takeover.” This narrative serves a dual purpose: it stokes xenophobic sentiments among the working class, redirecting legitimate anger over systemic exploitation toward racial scapegoats, while also providing far-right movements with a unifying ideological framework. 21 22 23
UKIP’s and REFORM UK adoption of this narrative and its alliance with figures like Robinson (pre-2025) are thus not incidental but symptomatic of a broader crisis in capitalist politics. Unable to address the root causes of exploitation—economic inequality, alienation, and systemic failures—the ruling class and its ideological apparatus instead seek to weaponize social issues to maintain control. By positioning itself as the institutional face of reactionary street movements, UKIP and REFORM UK is attempting to mediate the contradictions of a capitalist system in decay, channelling discontent into divisive and regressive forms of politics. Recognizing this dynamic is crucial for developing a materialist understanding of the far right's rise and countering its influence effectively. 24 25
The Xenophobic Myth, Cliche and Trope
The perpetuation of the xenophobic trope that frames sexual violence against white girls as a national security threat reaches its peak in the years-long investigation by Andrew Norfolk in The Times, which ultimately gave rise to the concept of “Asian grooming gangs.” This moment marked a significant ideological shift, as it represented the mainstreaming of far-right rhetoric within the bourgeois media apparatus. ²¹ By framing child sexual exploitation (CSE) as primarily a crime committed by Asian men who exclusively target white girls, and by suggesting that such crimes were deliberately concealed due to “political correctness gone mad,” this narrative laid the groundwork for a racialized scapegoating of marginalized communities. It conveniently ignores the systemic nature of sexual violence and exploitation, casting it as a racial and cultural issue rather than a product of structural misogyny, patriarchy, and class oppression.26 27 28 29 30
Historically, as with the legacies of transatlantic slavery and the British Empire, sexuality and gender have been central mechanisms through which racial and class-based oppression is mediated and justified.31 32 33 34 35 36 37 In the context of the "grooming gang" narrative, these tropes function to reinforce racial hierarchies while obscuring the material conditions that allow sexual violence to persist. By racializing the issue, the far right deflects attention from the root causes—capitalist exploitation, patriarchy, and the erosion of social services—allowing the ruling class to evade scrutiny for their role in perpetuating systems of abuse.
Let us be unequivocally clear: CSE is an endemic issue within capitalist society, transcending racial and religious boundaries. From the upper echelons of the media to powerful religious institutions, and even to the working-class communities in places like Rochdale, sexual violence occurs across all strata of society. The problem is not merely one of isolated, sensationalized cases but a systemic failure—one rooted in the exploitation of women and girls and exacerbated by decades of institutional neglect and cover-ups. Major CSE scandals, particularly in the north-east of England, expose not just the prevalence of abuse but also the structural failures that prevent survivors from receiving the support they need. Austerity policies, for instance, have decimated vital women’s support services in these regions, leaving survivors vulnerable and without recourse when faced with abuse. 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55
However, the far right is not interested in addressing sexual violence in any meaningful way. Their focus lies solely in weaponizing the righteous outrage that arises from these cases to advance their political agenda. The far right’s narrative is not concerned with the well-being of victims or the prevention of abuse; it is about exploiting public anger to legitimize their own ideological stance and position themselves as key players in the political arena. This is an ideological move that distracts from the root causes of sexual violence, reinforcing division and perpetuating xenophobia, while ignoring the systemic factors that allow abuse to flourish. 56 57 58
Let us speak plainly: these are the very same individuals who shield misogynists and defend members convicted of Child Sexual Exploitation. And yet, with staggering audacity, they claim to stand as protectors of women and girls! Their hypocrisy is not just glaring—it is a deliberate insult to every survivor of abuse and to all who fight for justice. If this brazen contradiction does not expose the true nature of their agenda—a charade designed to manipulate outrage and mask their complicity in systems of exploitation—then what will? It is revolting, an affront to the dignity of those they pretend to champion while perpetuating the very crimes they denounce!59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71
The far right’s framing of CSE as a racial and religious issue—exclusively perpetrated by Asian men against white girls out of racial hatred—is fundamentally flawed and dangerous. It serves to obscure the far more pervasive issue of structural misogyny that underpins sexual violence in all its forms. The reality is that CSE is not confined to one racial or ethnic group; it is a symptom of a deeper societal crisis that is rooted in capitalist exploitation, patriarchy, and the disempowerment of women (see figure 1).
Let us look at the reality plainly, as illustrated in Figure 1: crimes of Child Sexual Exploitation are not confined to one race, one gender, one religion, or one age. This is a multifaceted issue rooted in systemic exploitation and social decay. To position this crisis as the product of a single race or religion is to obscure the truth—it ignores the majority of cases, which are committed by white perpetrators. This racialized framing is not only factually dishonest but also a deliberate distraction, one that undermines our ability to confront the full scale of this atrocity. If we are to resolve these issues, we must abandon the divisive practice of racializing the problem. Instead, we must tackle these crimes with equity, ensuring that all victims—regardless of who they are—are protected, supported, and empowered. Our fight must be for justice against all perpetrators of these heinous acts, not just those who conveniently fit a reactionary narrative. Let us demand accountabilities for all and stand in solidarity with every survivor who has suffered under these systems of oppression! By positioning the issue as one of race, the far right deflects attention from the broader, more insidious structures of oppression that allow sexual violence to persist unchecked. This myth—of a racialized conspiracy of abuse—diverts attention from the urgent need for systemic change, leaving survivors without the necessary resources or support to heal and rebuild their lives. 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83
In conclusion, the far right's narrative about "Asian grooming gangs" is a deliberate construction, one that distorts the reality of CSE and exploits public outrage for political gain. It is a myth that does nothing to address the material conditions of sexual violence or to support the survivors who need help. Rather than focusing on race or religion, we must turn our attention to the structural roots of abuse—gender inequality, economic exploitation, and the failure of the state to protect vulnerable populations—and fight for a society that values the safety and empowerment of all people, free from the shackles of patriarchal and racialized oppression.
The Investigation and Inquiry of CSE Cases
The investigation into the systemic sexual exploitation scandals in towns like Rotherham and Rochdale, most notably encapsulated in the 2014 Jay Report, highlights the failures of institutions meant to protect vulnerable individuals while also debunking the far-right's racialized and reactionary narrative about "grooming gangs." 84 85 Far from providing evidence to support the far-right claim that sexual violence was predominantly an issue of racialized groups—specifically Asian men preying on white girls—the report instead brought to light a much more familiar and systemic story: that of survivors of sexual violence being systematically ignored, dismissed, and even blamed by the very institutions designed to safeguard them.86 87 88
This investigation revealed how survivors, many of whom were working-class girls or those already in social care, were often subjected to victim-blaming language from police and social services. Phrases like “asking for it,” “risk-fuelled,” “drawn to it,” and “prostituting herself” were commonly used to describe the affected girls. This reflects a pervasive attitude that continues to haunt the way that institutional systems engage with survivors of sexual violence. It is a glaring manifestation of the capitalist and patriarchal systems of oppression that disregard the suffering of marginalized women, especially those from working-class backgrounds. These girls were seen as expendable and unworthy of support, with their trauma invalidated because of their class position, which made them more vulnerable to abuse in the first place.89
This exposure of institutional failure and class-based violence is an inconvenient truth for the far-right, which, led by figures like Tommy Robinson and Nigel Farage, their allies in UKIP and REFORM UK, has little interest in addressing the structural causes of sexual violence. Rather than advocate for the deep, systemic changes needed to challenge gender-based violence, Robinson, UKIP and REFORM UK see an opportunity to exploit the anger and pain of CSE victims for political gain. They use CSE as a political tool to rally support, portraying it as a crime disproportionately committed by "brown" men, framing it as a racialized issue that plays on public fears and xenophobic sentiments. They imply that the abuse of white girls by men of colour is somehow a more nefarious form of exploitation, ignoring the fact that abuse is endemic across all racial and ethnic groups, and that children of colour, particularly working-class children, are often the most vulnerable to sexual abuse.90
Sarah Champion, Labour MP said it best:91
"... the previous inquiry by Professor Alexis Jay had taken seven years, cost £186 million, had more than two million pages of evidence, and spoke to 725 witnesses and more than 6,000 victims and survivors. So, I say with the deepest respect to all of those calling for a national inquiry: rather than that, put all of your energy in getting these recommendations adopted, because with the best will in the world … another inquiry will mean another 10 years of waiting. And what I want to see, and I truly believe we want to see, is child protection right now.”Robinson's and Farage’s politicization of Child Sexual Exploitation (CSE), particularly through its framing within the broader context of "Brexit betrayal," exemplifies the far-right's opportunistic manipulation of social issues to advance its reactionary agenda. By linking "grooming gangs" to the populist backlash against the European Union, they are not genuinely addressing the systemic problem of abuse. If they were, their approach would be even-handed, confronting these crimes as the universal consequence of exploitation under capitalism, rather than racializing the issue and dehumanizing both victims and survivors. Instead, their rhetoric seeks to channel public outrage into a nationalist, anti-immigrant narrative, reinforcing the ideological scaffolding of their platform. The invocation of the "rape of Britain" serves not as a call for justice but as a strategic rallying cry designed to construct a political identity rooted in division, fear, and scapegoating, ultimately diverting attention from the material conditions and systemic failures that enable such exploitation to persist!
This linkage of sexual violence to political power is not incidental. It underscores how sexuality and gender are deeply entwined with the far-right's quest for hegemony. By creating a racialized and gendered crisis narrative, Robinson and Farage (UKIP and REFORM UK) hope to galvanize reactionary support and position themselves as the legitimate voice of the oppressed, while obscuring the true roots of exploitation: capitalism, patriarchy, and racial injustice. They seek to distract from the broader societal conditions that enable abuse by shifting the focus to race, offering a superficial solution rooted in divisive and reactionary politics.92 93
In response, it is essential that we, as Socialists, take ownership of the struggle against sexual violence. We must expose the far-right’s cynical manipulation of CSE for what it is—an attempt to create further divisions and perpetuate harmful stereotypes, all while offering no real solutions to the systemic problems of exploitation and abuse. We must reject the far-right's false framing of sexual violence and insist that the fight against gender-based violence and racism must be understood as interconnected struggles, not as tools for fascist politics. Our vision must be one of solidarity and unity, where the eradication of sexual violence and racism is central to building a just and equitable society. The fight against Robinson, Farage and their fascist politics cannot be detached from Socialist principles; it must, in fact, be led by a bold, uncompromising Socialist vision. This is a fight for a world free of gendered violence and racial injustice, a world where the voices of survivors are heard and supported, and where no one is left to suffer in silence!
Conclusion
The systemic failures revealed in Child Sexual Exploitation (CSE) cases, such as those in Rotherham and Rochdale, serve as a stark reminder of the ways capitalist and patriarchal systems devalue and exploit vulnerable populations. These failures are not incidental; they are deeply rooted in the structural inequalities that define class society. The Jay Report exposed a grim reality: survivors, particularly working-class girls and those in care, were abandoned by institutions ostensibly designed to protect them. Their suffering was compounded by victim-blaming attitudes, which reflect a broader culture that prioritizes maintaining institutional power over addressing the needs of the marginalized.
In this context, the far-right’s weaponization of the “Asian grooming gangs” narrative represents a cynical effort to redirect legitimate public anger away from systemic causes and toward racial scapegoating. Figures like Tommy Robinson, Nigel Farage, and their political allies exploit the anguish of survivors, not to bring justice, but to advance their reactionary agenda. By racializing the issue, they obscure the universal and systemic nature of sexual violence, framing it as a problem of cultural or ethnic deviation rather than as a consequence of intersecting oppressions rooted in capitalism and patriarchy.
This tactic serves a dual purpose for the ruling class and its ideological agents. On one hand, it reinforces xenophobic divisions among the working class, weakening collective resistance to exploitation. On the other, it diverts attention from the material conditions that allow such abuses to persist; austerity-driven cuts to social services, the erosion of community support networks, and a justice system that prioritizes maintaining order over delivering justice. By fixating on racialized tropes, the far-right ensures that the capitalist structures enabling exploitation to remain unchallenged.
The struggle against CSE, therefore, cannot be separated from the broader fight against these systemic oppressions. The far-right's narrative, which casts CSE as a racial issue, is a deliberate distortion designed to divide and disempower. It must be confronted with a materialist understanding of exploitation, one that identifies the root causes of sexual violence in the intersecting forces of gender inequality, economic oppression, and institutional neglect.
Moreover, the far-right’s co-optation of sexual violence as a political weapon underscores the need for a Socialist response rooted in solidarity. The fight against CSE must be framed as part of a broader struggle to dismantle the systems that perpetuate inequality and exploitation. This includes demanding robust social services, community-led support for survivors, and a justice system that prioritizes accountability over maintaining the status quo.
To effectively counter the far-right, we must expose their hypocrisy and reject their divisive framing. Our vision must be expansive and transformative: a world free from sexual violence, racism, and economic exploitation. This is a vision that unites, rather than divides, the working class; one that prioritizes the voices and needs of survivors over political opportunism. It is a vision that challenges the material conditions enabling abuse and commits to building a society where safety, equality, and dignity are guaranteed for all.
In this struggle, there can be no compromise. The fight against CSE is inseparable from the fight against the far-right, capitalism, and patriarchy. Only through a dialectical understanding of these interconnected oppressions can we begin to dismantle the systems that sustain them. By centring the voices of survivors and forging solidarity across lines of race, class, and gender, we can build a movement capable of achieving justice—not just for the victims of CSE, but for all those oppressed by the systems that make such violence possible!
Footnotes
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